The Research Frontline – Journal (TRF-J) is a peer-reviewed, quarterly, online, and open-access academic journal, under aegis of CDFA Research Foundation, New Delhi, published by the Allahabad Academic Press, Prayagraj. The journal provides an inclusive and credible platform for academics, independent researchers, policy practitioners, early-career scholars, and public intellectuals to engage with contemporary issues of governance, economy, culture, society, and global affairs through high-quality research and analytical writing. At its core, TRF-J is committed to addressing persistent structural gaps within India’s research and policy ecosystem. Many existing academic journals remain constrained by high article processing charges (APCs), limited thematic scope, or prolonged publication timelines that often diminish the contemporary relevance of scholarly work. TRF-J aspires to counter these challenges by maintaining rigorous peer-review standards, ensuring transparent and efficient editorial processes, and promoting free and unrestricted access to knowledge that carries both scholarly merit and public value.
Writing Smarter or Losing Skills? The Impact of AI in Academia
In recent years, AI (Artificial intelligence) tools like ChatGPT, Grammarly, Grok, and others have slowly become a regular part of how students and teachers work in colleges. This study looks into how these tools are being used in academic writing, what benefits they bring, and what problems or concerns come with them. The main goals of this research are to understand how people are using AI in their studies and teaching, how helpful these tools really are, and what ethical questions they raise like fairness, plagiarism, and originality. To explore these questions, a survey with 25 simple and direct questions was shared with 100 people from different academic backgrounds. This included undergraduate and postgraduate students, PhD scholars, and teaching staff from different subjects. Their responses were studied using basic methods to find clear patterns and views. This study doesn’t just talk about how AI helps in writing faster or making content better, but also highlights the worries people have like over-dependence on these tools or the lack of rules in colleges about how they should be used. It suggests that while AI can support learning, there needs to be more awareness, training, and proper guidelines to make sure it’s being used in the right way.
AI tools, academic writing, ChatGPT, plagiarism, ethical concerns, higher education,
Copyright (c) 2026 Here’s the one-line legal-style version: > Copyright remains with the author(s), but *The Research Frontline – Journal* holds the exclusive right of first publication, and the work may not be republished elsewhere without written permission.
Influence of Social Media on Classroom Discipline
This study explores how social media influences the classroom discipline of middle school students. Using a mixed-methods approach, it analyzes student behavior patterns, attention spans, and teacher observations to evaluate the extent of digital distraction. Results reveal a significant correlation between excessive social media use and reduced academic focus, peer conflicts, and behavioral issues. The findings underscore the importance of digital awareness, structured media use policies, and teacher-parent collaboration in maintaining classroom discipline.
Social Media, Classroom Discipline, Student Behavior, Digital Distraction, Educational Impact
Understanding the Digital Governance and India's Digital Transformation Since 2014
This paper looks closely at the development and effects of digital governance in India since the start of the Digital India initiative in 2014. In a country with vast social, geographic, and economic differences, the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in governance marks a major change. This change goes beyond just a technological upgrade; it represents a fundamental shift in public administration that aims to improve efficiency, inclusiveness, transparency, and services for citizens. The research investigates how key digital tools like Unified Payments Interface (UPI), DigiLocker, UMANG, and the National Scholarship Portal have changed access to public services and empowered communities that have traditionally faced obstacles. This study employs a mixed-methods approach. It examines policy documents, academic literature, and data on digital infrastructure as secondary sources before integrating these with primary data collected from a field survey. The survey gathered responses from 80 individuals across various ages, genders, and occupations. It took place in Abul Fazal Enclave, a mixed semi-urban and urban area in Okhla, New Delhi. This location was chosen for its social and economic diversity and its potential as a center for digital governance. The findings show a high adoption rate of UPI, especially among young people and women. Digital payment tools are quickly becoming part of everyday life in both rural and urban areas. However, challenges like low digital literacy, app failures, and a lack of trust still exist, particularly among the elderly and unbanked populations. Tools like DigiLocker and UMANG have improved document security and service integration. Meanwhile, the National Scholarship Portal has worked to fill gaps in educational access, although it has faced criticism for excluding some people based on gender identity and caste.
Digital Governance, E-Governance in India, Unified Payments Interface (UPI), Digital Inclusion, Public Service Delivery
Women’s Empowerment and Nation-Building: - A Sociological Perspective
Women's empowerment is a very important and necessary process for strong nation-building, as they constitute around 50 percent of the population worldwide and contribute to social, economic, and political development. The main aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between women's empowerment and nation-building in India. Women are getting empowered through employment, education, and decision-making power within their families. They are gaining the right to participate in politics, and freedom of movement. This empowerment is helping them contribute to India's growth and development. Using a sociological framework, the study examines data from various sources to understand the challenges and opportunities for women's empowerment. The findings suggest that women's empowerment is essential for promoting national development, social justice, and human rights. Educated and employed women are more likely to participate in politics, contributing to India's economic growth and development. However, women in India face challenges such as limited access to education, employment opportunities, and social and cultural barriers. The study highlights the importance of policies and programs promoting women's empowerment, such as education and employment initiatives, and reservations in politics. The paper concludes that empowering women is crucial for India's development and recommends increased investment in women's education, employment opportunities, and political participation. By promoting women's empowerment, India can accelerate its progress towards achieving sustainable development goals and become a more equitable and prosperous nation.
Women's empowerment, nation-building, education, employment, political participation, India.
Reconstructing the Forgotten Uprising of Doomureeagunj (1858): Local Resistance and Colonial Erasure in Eastern Uttar Pradesh
The historiography of the 1857–58 uprising in North India has largely emphasized metropolitan centers such as Delhi, Kanpur, Lucknow, and Jhansi, while numerous localized episodes of resistance remain obscure. This paper reconstructs one such forgotten episode, the armed encounter at Doomureeagunj (a site near Dumariaganj, now known as Amargarh, in present-day Siddharthnagar district, Uttar Pradesh), where local freedom fighters confronted the British army in November 1858. Drawing upon British archival sources, including The London Gazette (1859), The Cruise of the Pearl by E.A. Williams, and regional Gazetteers, alongside oral traditions and field surveys, this study situates the Doomureeagunj uprising within the larger framework of the First War of Independence. It foregrounds the leadership of Muhammad Hasan, his nephew Muhammad Nawaz, and Balaji Rao (the younger brother of Nana Sahib), whose contributions have been overshadowed by mainstream historiography. Through a comparative reading of colonial documentation and local memory, this paper explores how regional narratives were marginalized and argues for the inclusion of Doomureeagunj in the broader discourse of subaltern resistance in India’s nationalist history.
Doomureeagunj Uprising; 1857 Revolt; Dumariaganj; Muhammad Hasan; Muhammad Nawaz; Subaltern Historiography; British Colonial Records; Local Memory.
Beyond formal membership: Morocco’s Shadow Alignment with core BRICS members
In the current multipolar international order, navigating amid emerging blocs and traditional alliances becomes a primary concern of middle powers. This study addresses the theoretical gap concerning the explanation of how countries such as Morocco achieve strategic benefits through engagement with BRICS bloc without any formal political commitment by offering a new concept of “Shadow Alignment”. This concept is characterized by three main empirical pillars: Functional Proximity strategy, the effective implementation of the Balancing Act with traditional allies and the maintenance of Non-Committed Autonomy. The main objective of this paper is to define and empirically examine this framework by analysing the engagement of Morocco with selected core BRICS members: China, Russia, India, Brazil, employing both quantitative and qualitative case study methodology that entails process tracing and comparative analysis, drawing on bilateral trade and arms transfers data, technological data, and diplomatic communiqués. The analysis revealed a significant Strategic Depth across economic, technological, security, and soft power dimensions, confirming high Functional Proximity. Concurrently, Morocco successfully managed the Balancing Act with western allies, notably United States (USA) and European Union, while preserving a Non-Committed Autonomy by maintaining institutional distance from the BRICS bloc, exercising diplomatic divergence, and safeguarding its sovereign international cooperation. The results indicate that “Shadow Alignment" provides a superior explanatory framework for such proactive statecraft, offering a strategy that can be replicated by the Global South, and signalling to traditional powers the necessity to adapt according to this subtle type of interaction.
BRICS; Morocco; Non-Committed Autonomy; Shadow Alignment; Western allies.
Trump's mercantilism? Post-Cold War reshaping of the politics and Economy of India in South Asia
The current global shifts in the economic sphere, with the imposition of tariff duties by the USA on some countries, especially India in South Asia, can bring about a lot of changes in the international political economy. The dependency in trade and commerce in this neo-colonialist order is from both sides. It's actually a zero-sum game, which attracts the strong states towards weaker ones. This paper dives into certain important questions: Is it really going back towards the mercantilist approach of the state by adopting protectionist measures, or is it just a way to assert power in the post-Cold War period by impacting global supply chains? What are the impacts on the South Asian countries, especially India (domestically or internationally), as most of them are the suppliers of finished products to the USA? The application of secondary tariffs on countries like India to stop them from importing Russian oil is one of the reasons given by the USA. This paper uses the current trends in growth of an economy, followed by political ideas behind it and how this decision can impact the major political decisions in future, such as bilateral meetings, trade agreements and deepening the structural inequality in the economy. How a country like India will react to it, if the tariff policy is not revised, can shatter the domestic market through demand and supply, and this will create greater problems for the people. This paper will also analyze whether India is truly an emerging power in the world and a major power in South Asia, or if this tariff policy has the capacity to take this title from it. Will this economic change have an impact on the regime or the political system of the country? How does the media is shaping this issue in the eyes of its people are the two points on which the conclusion and prospects are built? The economy doesn't operate in a vacuum: politics shape it, whether we talk about mercantilist theory, fall apart due to economic liberalism or capitalist ideas criticized by Marxian understanding. As Francis Fukuyama said The End of History on liberal ideology with the end of the Cold War, so is it really the end of history on liberal ideas, or is the world order evolving into something new? This is now a critical question to understand. Keywords: tariff duties, mercantilist, secondary tariffs, End of history, South Asia, liberal ideas
tariff duties, mercantilist, secondary tariffs, End of history, South Asia, liberal ideas
Tariff Duties, Mercantilist, Secondary Tariffs, End of history, South Asia, Liberal Ideas
Epistemic Sovereignty in the Brahmaputra Valley: Integrating Indigenous Knowledge into Multi-Level Governance of Climate and Resource Justice in Assam
This interdisciplinary study interrogates how centering epistemic sovereignty Indigenous communities’ authority over their knowledge systems can reconfigure climate governance in Assam’s Brahmaputra Valley. Facing rising flood threats and cross-border hydro political conflict, Mising and Dimasa peoples are also poorly represented on policy for a despite their advanced socio-ecological knowledge: Mising stilt houses (chang ghar), community-based embankment management, and phenological predictions reported among Indigenous populations in Assam (e.g., Sonowal Kachari, Bodo). Political ecology and decolonial theories help us diagnose institutional obstacles to incorporating Indigenous relational/living waters ontologies into state tools such as the Climate Action Plan (SAPCC) in Assam. We propose co-governed knowledge-bridging institutions, operationalizing data sovereignty via CARE Principles and UNDRIP compliance to advance resource justice through decolonial governance praxis.
Epistemic sovereignty, CARE Principles, Indigenous data sovereignty, decolonial justice, Brahmaputra governance, Assam
The Idea of a Multidisciplinary University: Implementing NEP-2020 in Indian Higher Education
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 envisions a transformative restructuring of Indian higher education through the creation of multidisciplinary universities that dissolve rigid disciplinary boundaries. The policy promotes an ecosystem of learning in which the sciences, social sciences, arts and vocational streams coexist and complement one another. This paper explores the practical and policy dimensions of implementing this vision within India’s complex higher education landscape. It examines the theoretical underpinnings of multidisciplinary education, the challenges of translating policy into practice and the role of institutional innovation in this context. The hypothesis guiding this paper is that the success of NEP-2020’s multidisciplinary framework depends on the alignment of institutional autonomy, governance reform, and faculty capacity-building. Drawing on examples from emerging Indian universities, such as Ashoka and Azim Premji, as well as reforms at IIT Delhi and the University of Delhi, this study argues that genuine transformation requires not only policy endorsement but also a cultural shift in academic governance and pedagogical philosophy. Through a qualitative and policy-oriented analysis, the paper concludes that while NEP-2020 provides a visionary roadmap, its realization hinges on sustained investment, flexibility in curriculum design and the creation of a truly inclusive academic environment.
NEP-2020, multidisciplinary education, higher education policy, institutional reform, India, holistic learning.
State and IR in Retreat: Terrorism as a challenge to State Centrism in International Relations
The state has been the fundamental unit of analysis as far as International Relations is concerned. However, the centrality of the state in IR has been put to the test time and again, and this time around by a phenomenon, which was hitherto localized and often neglected: terrorism. It has been established that terrorism has existed much before its present phase, as described by David Rapoport in his theory of ‘wave phenomena.’ This paper is an attempt to examine the impact of terrorism on various strands of state centrality (Public attitude, State capacity) in international relations. It shall also assess the extent to which these groups have managed to challenge the capacity of the state. The paper shall not necessarily confine itself to the nature or modus operandi of such groups, but rather to the broader impact this phenomenon has had on the work and thinking about international politics. It also draws attention towards the state’s response to such a phenomenon, and how that response has forged the nature of IR as a discipline and international relations as subject matter for generations to come. It has also been established that the states have used different means to curb terrorism, which has potentially further decreased the democratic quotient even in liberal democracies.
Terrorism, Sovereignty, Intervention, State, Public, IR
Geopolitics of Greed: Resource Competition and the Erosion of Global Cooperation and Responsibilities
The twenty-first century has witnessed intensifying global competition over vital resources like energy, water, food, and critical minerals- driven by strategic rivalry, economic nationalism, and technological transitions. This paper argues that a politics of narrow self-interest or “geopolitics of greed” increasingly shapes state behaviour, and that this resource competition erodes the foundations of global cooperation and shared responsibility. Drawing on realist and institutionalist perspectives, and illustrated with contemporary empirical cases (critical minerals and the energy transition, vaccine nationalism during COVID-19, transboundary water stress, and food-energy shocks), the paper analyses mechanisms by which resource competition transforms cooperation into contestation. It then examines the systemic costs of such dynamics- institutional erosion, inequitable outcomes, amplified crises, and fragmentation of global governance- and proposes policy pathways to restore cooperative capacity: diversifying supply chains, strengthening multilateral frameworks for common-pool resources, designing equitable crisis-sharing mechanisms, and fostering normative shifts toward responsible interdependence. The paper concludes that restoring durable cooperation will require both technical remedies and political will to re-embed responsibility in the governance of shared resources.
Resource competition, geopolitics, critical minerals, vaccine nationalism, transboundary water, global cooperation, institutional erosion
Westernocene: A Capitalocene critique of climate change.
Climate change, globally recognized as a defining crisis of the contemporary era, is mostlyviewed under the understanding of what the West calls the ' Anthropocene', which regards natureas a 'cheap value' or 'natural resource' for human progress. This view acknowledges humanexceptionalism and the general accountability of humans towards the catastrophic condition ofnature. But this paper counters this ‘misleading generalization’, bringing the notion of'Capitalocene' and 'Westernocene' into frame. Broadly, these two concepts question the capitaliststructure and also the industrialist definition of development as recognized by the West. Thispaper aims to critique the Anthropocene narrative through a 'Westernocene' in blend with'Capitalocene' perspective, showing how capitalism, rather than humanity in general, constitutesthe primary driver of climate change. It argues that any account of planetary crisis mustforeground the roles of capitalist accumulation, global inequality, and histories of colonialexploitation. This paper also brings The Capitalocene as a Critique of Hegemonic Approaches tothe Climate Crisis.The methodology of this study adopts a critical theoretical methodology, synthesizing insightsfrom political ecology, environmental humanities, and analysis of the theories of climate justice.This article also makes an account of all major empirical data and global reports (UNFCCC,SIPRI, HDI, GDP, etc.), and it interrogates narratives of the West to glorify the ‘universalburden’ of humankind in the label of ‘Sustainable development’’.By advancing these notions of 'Westernocene' and 'Capitalocene', we build a conceptualframework that constitutes an ‘Anti-Anthropocene’ argument for climate justice by reframingclimate change as a political-economic project. It confronts that climate change requires morethan just technological adaptation; it also demands systemic transformation, which brings an‘uneven burden’ of West and East that addresses capitalism itself, intersecting it with ecologicalcritique, with decolonial thought, and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.
Westernocene,Capitalocene, Anthropocene, Climate colonialism, Green colonialism, Climate finance, Indigenous sovereignty, Global South, International financial institutions, Climate justice, transformative climate justice, Lithium Triangle (Bolivia, Argentina, Chile)
Purity and Pollution in the Construction of the Female: Rites of Menarche and Menstruation
Historically, cultures all over the world ascribe menstruation an auspicious quality that is simultaneously worshipped and feared. The menstruating woman is a pure and holy being whose touch is somehow polluting. Menstrual taboos prevail, even in cultures that celebrate the onset of menarche. Taking the case of Assamese Hindu society, this paper tries to explore this juxtaposition through Victor Turner’s ideas of the liminal being and Mary Douglas’ conception of purity and pollution. Menstrual taboos thrive in Assamese culture, even as they celebrate tuloni biya (small wedding) when a girl reaches menarche, and worship the goddess Kamkhya’s menstrual cycle. The argument is made that menstrual rites actively construct the idea of the female. Gender is constructed through this cyclical ritual to remind women of their biological destiny as child bearers and nurturers. The taboos become a way to punish the woman for ‘wasting’ her egg that month by not fertilizing it. The contradiction of purity and pollution arises from and perpetuates this idea of a powerful sexual female that must be tamed and controlled. The woman is thus reminded of her role to continue her husband’s bloodline in the heteropatriarchal structure, affecting her self-perception. The conclusion explores how even as celebrations like tuloni biya decline, taboos continue to exist, perhaps affirming the idea of control as the primary motive of menstrual rituals. Menstrual rites become a tool in the hands of a heteropatriarchal structure to ensure women perform their duty of kinship production.
Elected to Govern and to Oppose: The Democratic Mandate of Opposition Parties in Ensuring Accountability and Inclusive Representation
The concept of legitimacy and the relationship between the ruling and the opposition parties is the intended focus of this research paper. It would be a mistake to consider democracies as only legitimizing the rule of the governors. To this endpoint, opposition also legitimizes democracies, as democracies also validate the challengers of executives and oppositional democracies. This paper contends that opposition parties have a parallel electoral mandate, equal to that of a ruling party, justified by the same democracy that authorizes the parties to govern. Considering Robert Dahl’s Polyarchy, Giovanni Sartori’s theory of party systems and Jurgen Habermas’s deliberative democracy as the theoretical foundations, this paper treats the political opposition as an institution constitutionally and morally required to provide checks on accountability and continuous pluralism. It also highlights the role of opposition parties as guardians of minority and marginalized voices and their role in reinforcing inclusive representation. This paper investigates the opposition’s contributions to democracy’s consolidation in established and emerging democracies by examining democracy’s scaffolding, notably legislative scrutiny, the contestation of policies and civic discourse. Ultimately, it argues that a ruling party should never suppress opposition claiming that the citizens have elected ruling party in power. Opposition parties too are elected by the citizens to be in opposition and keep check on arbitrary actions of the government. Acknowledging the opposition as an elected, accountable actor is crucial for maintaining the constitutional equilibrium, controlling arbitrary power and preserving democracy in a form that is responsive and representative to all peoples.
Writing The ‘Deep Story’: A Comparative Case Study Of The Rise Of Nationalist Extremism In The United States And India
This paper examines the global resurgence of far-right nationalist extremism, focusing on the rise of authoritarianism in the United States and India. Based on the theoretical framework of White Christian nationalism developed by Gorski and Perry (2022), which builds on Hochschild’s concept of ‘deep story’ (2016), the present analysis demonstrates how aspiring authoritarians strategically mobilize exclusionary ideologies to consolidate power. The ‘deep story’ of White Christian nationalism in the United States under Donald Trump can (1) provide valuable insight into the rise of Hindutva in Modi's India and (2) shed light on the transnational nature of contemporary far-right nationalist ideologies. Central to the analysis is the identification of the building blocks of the deep story: religiousness without religiosity as a marker of ethno-traditional group boundaries; the deification of political figures; nostalgia for a mythical past greatness; and the justification of violence and exclusion as necessary for national preservation. These building blocks construct a narrative of grievance and existential threat in which the dominant group perceives loss of status and projects anxieties onto foreigners and foreignness. Ultimately, the deep story of nationalist extremism functions to secure the consent of the dominant group for the acceptance of authoritarian rule.
Contrasting Models of Urban Governance: A Comparative Study of Noida and Gurugram
Post-liberalisation India has witnessed a significant increase in urban centres across the country driven by the inflow of Multinational Companies (MNCs), easing of laws to promote private sector-led growth and the rapid influx of migrants moving to these urban centres in search for new employment avenues. This article seeks to explore the evolution of two important urban centres located in the National Capital Region (NCR) of Delhi — Noida and Gurugram. Both the cities developed under different frameworks and trajectories, leading to two contrasting models of urban governance. While Noida is characterized by a centralized-technocratic model of governance, in contrast, Gurugram is characterized by an entrepreneurial-fragmented model of governance. Through a qualitative, comparative analysis based on institutional frameworks, planning instruments and democratic participation, the article attempts to understand the key differences in the urban governance models of Noida and Gurugram. It also seeks to relate the urban governance models of the two cities with the foundational literature on urban governance, given by scholars like Michel Foucault, Henri Lefebvre and David Harvey. Finally, the article attempts to understand the challenges encountered both by Noida and Gurugram with respect to their distinct urban governance models, and the recommendations proposed to mitigate these issues.
Clicktivism and Control: The Governance Illusion in the Social Media Era.
In the classical administrative era of the early 2000s, governance systems depended heavily on structured feedback loops—documentary, hierarchical, and mediated through multiple bureaucratic layers—to assess the impact of policies and programmes on target groups. Yet, such inputs were often filtered, adjusted, or diluted to suit institutional comfort zones, leaving critical shortcomings unaddressed. With the rise of social media, e-governance tools, and networked governance paradigms, a new form of public feedback has emerged. This paper argues that social media enables immediate, visible, and largely unmediated channels of citizen input, compelling traditional bureaucracies to acknowledge that digital narratives can no longer be ignored or suppressed. In this sense, social media appears to bridge key governance gaps by allowing primary stakeholders to signal failures in policy design or implementation and by pressuring policymakers to respond for reasons of legitimacy and public optics. However, this shift is double-edged. While scholarship shows that social media can enhance transparency, facilitate citizen–state interaction, and strengthen accountability, research on “clicktivism” reveals that low-effort digital engagement may create an illusion of participation without substantive impact. Studies from Sri Lanka and Nigeria indicate that although social media mobilises awareness, its capacity to generate sustained civic engagement or policy change is modest. Thus, this paper examines whether social media-driven feedback mechanisms genuinely reform governance processes or merely construct a governance illusion. It concludes that the central challenge for democratic governance is converting online voice into offline accountability.
Digital Governance; Citizen Engagement; Feedback Mechanisms; Clicktivism; Accountability.
Decolonized Arms Control And Disarmament In South Asia
This paper studies the theoretical and practical outline of decolonizing arms control and disarmament in South Asia. It conquers that mainstream, West -centric models of arms control ineffectively address the historical, political and epistemic specificity of the region. Building on decolonial theory and regional security studies, the paper outlines a framework that centers native security narratives, historical experiences of colonialism and symmetric power relations among state and external actors. The evaluation focuses on three arenas: nuclear arms and principals, conventional force stances along disputed borders, and multilateral regimes and norms. Depiction on policy literature and current regional analysis, the paper suggests a set of politically programmatic and ethically landed policy measures-ranging from confidence-building measures and bilateral consulting bodies to plural, region-led normative initiative that inclusively aim to reduce insecurity while reorganizing local environment. The paper concludes with suggestions for scholars, policy makers, and civil society aimed at reformulating arms control as a decolonial practice in south Asia.
Arms control, South Asia Decolonization, nuclear Politics, Postcolonial Disarmament.
Arms control, South Asia Decolonization, nuclear Politics, Postcolonial Disarmament
Sacred Cures: Perceptions of Illness and Remedy in Medieval India
The history of medicine in medieval India has often been written through the lens of court physicians, imperial patronage, and established systems such as the Unani system of medicine. However, beyond these formal structures existed an entire world of healing that was spiritual, affective, and deeply interwoven with popular belief. This paper examines the entangled domains of medicine, spirituality, and moral thought to explore perceptions of illness and healing in medieval India. While scholars of medieval Indian history have extensively examined formal medical systems, particularly the role of Unani physicians and court-sponsored treatments, less attention has been paid to the diverse body of traditional healing practices outside these institutional frameworks. Often dismissed as superstition or witchcraft by contemporaries and modern scholars alike, these remedies played a central role in everyday experiences of illness and recovery. This paper also explores how such practices were embedded in the religious and cultural consciousness of the period and are preserved in letter collections, Sufi writings, and European travel accounts. This paper argues that healing in medieval India was perceived not solely as a physical intervention but as a moral and spiritual responsibility. These spiritual practices were not merely remedies for illness, but reflections of a moral universe shaped by Indo-Islamic conceptions of divine proximity, ethical healing, and the human condition.
The Regional Stabilizer: The Protests of Institutional Resilience and Fragmentation in South Asia
The Arab Spring of 2010-2011 sparked a worldwide debate on whether or not a wave of political contagion could sweep through other parts of the world, especially where there are similar socio-economic and political vulnerabilities. South Asia, with its common problems of corruption, youth unemployment, and political instability are compelling reasons for such a comparative analysis. This paper deals with a crucial question of research or enquiry: Why is there no uniform, region-wide "Spring" in South Asia even though we have the same grievances? What has been the role of institutional resilience and leading power of India in determining these outcomes? Employing a comparative case study methodology, spanning the countries of Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal, and based on a Realist theoretical framework (Waltz 1979, pp. 88-112; Gilpin 2001, pp. 45-69), this analysis goes beyond descriptive analyses to argue that despite the fact that there are many similarities between South Asia and the Arab Spring in terms of the drivers of change, the analogy is fundamentally complicated by the power structure of the region. The findings suggest that India's institutional durability is a powerful counter-force that blocks systemic collapse, However, its stabilizing role is contested. India’s security-driven behavior towards its smaller neighbours gives rise to a ‘Perception Dilemma’, meaning its actions are often interpreted as hegemonic, reducing its influence in the subcontinent and creating opportunities for competitors such as China. The key contribution of the study is a nuanced comparative perspective that bridges the gap between area studies and international relations theory, and thus addresses a significant gap in the academic literature on South Asian politics.
South Asian Geopolitics; Institutional Resilience; Regional Stabilizer; Comparative Political Analysis; Arab Spring Analogy
Comparative Politics Area Studies (South Asia)
India–Korea CEPA: A Multi-Method Assessment of Trade in Articles of Iron and Steel
This paper critically assesses the India and Korea’s Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) trade impact, focusing on articles of iron and steel (HS Chapter 73). The study used a multimethod assessment to provide a rigorous evaluation of bilateral trade outcomes under India-Korea CEPA by using descriptive analysis to understand the tariff cuts and trade trends followed by difference-in-differences (DiD) method, and SMART partial-equilibrium simulation to disentangle residual effects. Korea by the year 2016, completely eliminated its tariff on Indian exports yet the exports recorded a modest growth. On contrary, Korea’s exports saw a sharp increase post India’s tariff cuts but later diminished due to safeguard measures and improved domestic capacity by India. The DiD results shows negative coefficients for exports and imports with non-FTA partners which implies that CEPA underperformed as compared to counterfactual. SMART simulations confirm these asymmetric results with India’s export gains supported by positive residual non-tariff effects. However, Korea’s tariff-driven benefits, as predicted, were offset via safeguard duties plus policy frictions. Overall, the results reveal asymmetric and limited trade gains under India-Korea CEPA. The study highlights that balanced durable trade benefits results not just from tariff reduction but improved competitiveness and properly managed non-tariff barriers. Specially India needs to manage the policy related measures along with structural frictions to secure more durable trade gains
India-Korea CEPA, Articles of Iron and Steel (HS Chapter 73), Difference-in-Difference, SMART Simulation.